Molded for Misogyny: How Korean Society Fosters Gender Violence by Jiwhang Yoo
Pink heart emojis litter the background of an online chat room. Within a post titled “Announcement,” these words are written in polite, almost conciliatory diction: “The following videos are for your viewing pleasure. The girls depicted in them have been silenced. There is nothing to fear.” A chilling message follows: “We do not spread videos of faithful slaves who do as they are told.”
This is an excerpt from a Telegram conversation between the perpetrators of the now-infamous “Nth room case,” in which dozens of women and girls were forced to film degrading videos which were then distributed online en masse.
Though this particular case is dominating headlines here in Korea, it is unfortunately not an exception, but rather the norm. According to a 2016 study by the Korean Ministry of Gender Equality and Family, over 70% of Korean women have experienced gender violence(physical, sexual, psychological violence against women) at least once in their lifetime. Yet despite the wide publication of such findings, gender violence continues to increase steadily. Why is this the case? The answer lies in a societal structure oriented toward vilifying women, encouraging harassment and suppressing protest, otherwise classified as “structural violence.”
Perhaps the single greatest driving force behind Korea’s structural violence is its deeply-entrenched Confucianism. For almost 2,000 years, Confucianism has formed the backbone of Korean society, deeply ingraining among Koreans the “fact” that women occupy a lower position than men. Confucian sayings like “We should not be too familiar with the lower orders or with women” and “Women’s nature is passive” encourage disciples to ignore the voice of women and generalize their character as one of submissiveness.
Generations of such teachings have produced Koreans who see women as nothing more than mere vessels used to satisfy the indulgences of men. Sexual harassment and objectification are viewed by government institutions not as crimes, but rather as trivial misdemeanors concerning only the lesser constituents of society. It thus comes as no surprise that minimal laws exist to protect women from gender violence. Moreover, the lack of a female voice in Confucianist teachings has conditioned Korean society to brutally suppress women who speak out about their issues, bemoaning the imprudence of females breaking the code of subservience. As crimes are constantly acquiesced without punishment, perpetrators exploit the lack of legislative oversight and victims’ unwillingness to speak out to commit increasingly heinous offences in an endless circle of despair.
Naturally, consequences are dire for victims of gender violence. In addition to the perpetually haunting trauma of constant harassment, rape and objectification, society’s unwillingness to understand their plight represents far more long-lasting
issues. Victims rarely request help out of fear of social reprisal, and thus voluntarily let the psychological burden wreak havoc unfettered. Such mental issues persist implicitly until they reveal themselves in violent fashion in the form of suicides. According to professor Jang from Chung-Ang University, suicide rates for Korean women born in the 1980s are five times higher than those of the previous generation. Even more disturbing is the fact that these rates rival those of Japan’s World War II generation, suggesting a degree of psychological trauma affecting young Korean women that rivals the severity of living through hellish war.
Arguably the most concrete first step for improving the present situation is legislative reform. Existing laws mandate a measly 5~10-year prison sentence limited only to those who film and distribute pornographic media. More severe punishment goes without saying. But future legislation must also place particular emphasis on expanding the scope of punishment so that everyone involved, from the creators and distributors to the consumers themselves, are held accountable. More importantly, legislative reform will serve to create a solid base of empowerment from which more women can speak up without fear of repercussions.
However, it is imperative to keep in mind that legislative change can only occur with the consent of society. Koreans need to be mindful of the fact that the essence of gender violence lies in awareness, awareness that is unfortunately shaped by misogynistic social norms. A greater effort must be made to challenge certain customs with the ultimate goal of shattering the manacles of structural violence that have bound Korean society to a state of inequality unbefitting a 21st-century democracy. The times they are a-changin ', and it is indeed high time for Koreans to embrace women not as "faithful slaves," but rather as equally dignified constituents of society.